道しるべ

立憲野党は対抗軸を鮮明に
自民党総裁→総選挙

2021/09/28
 自民党総裁選の投票は明日(9月29日)だが、同党支持率は上昇し、立憲野党への支持は低迷している。総選挙勝利に向け野党の共闘強化と合わせ、自公への明確な対抗政策こそ問われている。

 自民党総裁選は、4候補による「疑似政策論争」だ。

 積極財政と中国敵視

 「新自由主義政策の転換」から「改憲」、「敵基地攻撃能力保持」から「サイバー戦能力向上」、「デジタル産業育成」から「子育て世代支援」等々、「多様性」を装い、「核燃サイクル破綻」論や「給付付き税額控除」、「最低年金額保証」、「中間層育成と分配機能強化」など野党のお株すら奪う。

 しかし、4候補とも、医療など公的セクターの削減、PCR検査抑制などコロナ人災への反省は皆無。消費税増税を封印しつつ「積極財政」推進、対中国抑止力強化、森友など疑惑隠蔽は共通だ。高市氏の「男系天皇」護持論を河野氏も容認、右翼支持層の活性化もある。

 コロナ後の「財政危機」にどのような産業育成と税財政政策で対処するか、格差・貧困急拡大による矛盾爆発をどう抑止するか、米中対立、「台湾有事」や朝鮮半島情勢をにらみ、どう軍事力を強め改憲を達成するか、自民党なりに懸命だ。共産党への悪質なデマ宣伝も要注意だ。

 立憲民主党の公約は

 一方、立憲野党は候補者調整の詰めが課題。私たちはその成功に注力する。しかし、中軸である立憲民主党の「公約」は9月半ばでも肝心な点は先送り。消費税の時限的減税は掲げるようだが、現金給付の具体策や企業課税強化など所得再分配構想は不明だ。

 毒入り饅頭でも、消費税減税や給付拡大では国民民主や維新が先行している。対中国政策は待ったなしだが、見えない。尖閣問題は、立憲民主党だけでなく共産党も「自民党弱腰」を批判する傾向もあり、危惧される。

 脱原発では「原発ゼロ法案」の早期成立で河野太郎流の「脱原発」と対抗すべきだが、逡巡している。立憲民主は、「日米同盟基軸」や「財政再建優先」の呪縛を脱すべきだ。

 比例は社民党支持で

 同時に市民は、自ら政治勢力を育てなければならない。まずはブロック比例で社会民主党を支援しよう。社民党は「内部留保課税を財源に消費税率3年間ゼロ」「日米安保見直し」「原発ゼロ法案成立」などを公約している。憲法9条に立脚した東アジア政策も明確だ。新社会党は社民党と総選挙協定を締結、共同の輪を広げる決意だ。


英訳版↓

No. 1227 LDP Leadership Election & Succeeding General Election

The ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) will hold its presidential election, balloting September 29. As for people’s supporting rate, the party enjoys a surge, while for the opposition parties it is staggering. Joint efforts are necessary to intensify among the opposition forces in order to win in the coming general election, and simultaneously, it is crucial to present a lucid policy package to counter the ruling LDP-Komeito bloc.

CONSTITUTIONAL OPPOSITION PARTIES MUST PRESENT CLEAR COUNTER-POLICY

The leadership election of the LDP is a race, representing pseudo-contention on the political affairs.

Aggressive tax spending and hostility toward China

The four LDP candidates for presidency discuss ‘a change from the neo-liberal policies’, ‘constitution amendment’, ‘possession of military capabilities to attack enemy bases’, ‘superior competence for cyber warfare’, ’empowering digital industries’, and a series of policies to help young parents: the party pretends to be multi-dimensional. It even refer to such themes as a ‘nuclear fuel cycle bankruptcy’ theory, ‘refundable tax credits’, ‘guarantee of minimum pension payment’, and ‘cultivation of middle-class strata and more reasonable re-distribution function’, which the opposition political parties are very good at.

The four candidates, however, never talk about the policy-side errors to cope with the pandemic, such as reduction of public services, like healthcare, and the curbing of PCR testing. They advocate more aggressive financial mobilization, without mentioning another surge of consumption tax rate. They are racing, sharing in common the initiative to contain China and the covering of suspicions of the political scandals, including the Moritomo case in which the ex-premier Abe Shinzo involved. Ms Takaichi presents to the public her opinion to maintain the paternal inheritance code of the Emperor, which another candidate, Mr. Kono agrees to. The rightist group inside the LDP gets stronger impetus.

The LDP is keen to policies to be implemented after the pandemic: on industry development and tax & finance, on possible explosion of contradictions with regard to the rapid spread of poverty and on intensification of military strength and accomplishment of constitution amendment in conjunction with the US-China confrontation, the ‘Taiwan emergency’ and the situation in the Korean Peninsula.

We must pay considerable attention to insidious accusation and demagogues directed to the Japanese Communist Party (JCP).

Election pledges of the Constitutional Democratic Party

Meanwhile, the opposition parties must be successful in arranging and finalizing candidates in the constituencies. We, the New Socialist Party (NSP), wish it sincerely.

The Constitutional Democratic Party (CDP), however, which has a pivotal position in the opposition side, has not yet set forth its pledges. Crucial issues, in particular, are vague, though it is in a middle of September. It agrees to a policy to reduce the consumption tax rate with a condition of a time limit, but it does not say clearly about the income re-distribution plan, such as a concrete payment plan of cash benefits and a tax policy to impose more stringent corporate taxes.

Concerning the reduction of consumption tax rate and the bigger payment of cash benefits, the rightist parties, the Kokumin-minshu-to (=Democratic Party for the People) and the Ishin, are more skillful.

Policies on China are essential, but the CDP does not present them: for the Senkaku Island issue, not only the CDP but the JCP frustrate the LDP’s weak-kneed diplomacy. The stance should be observed from a critical point of view.

Concerning nuclear power generation, the bill to terminate it should be enacted as soon as possible in order to counter the non-nuclear power initiative raised by Mr. Kono Taro, one of the LDP presidency candidates. But the CDP is uneasy. The party should overcome the evil lines of dependence on the US-Japan Alliance and preference of a financial reconstruction drive.

Let’s support Social-Democratic Party in proportional representation channel

Simultaneously citizens have a responsibility to build up political power for themselves. First, let’s support the Social-Democratic Party (SDP) in the proportional representation channel. The party has pledges: to keep the 0% consumption tax rate for three years by producing revenues from taxing on the internal reserves of the businesses, to review the US-Japan Security Treaty and to enact the bill to end nuclear power generation. Its diplomatic policies show explicitly reliance on Article Nine of the Constitution for the East Asia region.

The New Socialist Party has concluded an agreement with the SDP on cooperation in the coming general election. We, the NSP, are determined to strengthen waves of collaboration among voters.



September 28, 2021