道しるべ

安保強化と軍拡阻む投票を
総選挙スタート

2021/10/20
 岸田政権と対決する総選挙が始まった。政権が何を目論み、立憲野党はどう対峙するか。小選挙区での野党共闘勝利と合わせ、各党の政策選択である比例区では、社民党への支援を呼びかける。

 新しい資本主義?

 岸田文雄政権は、「新しい資本主義」という言葉の粉飾の下に、一段と軍事力強化に向かおうとしている。

 新しい資本主義の正体は、首相の所信表明演説で明らかだ。新産業分野と人材育成への税金投入、労働力移動の促進、デジタル化と民衆管理、対中国包囲網の形成である。

 「分配戦略」は、「賃上げを行う企業への税制支援」、エッセンシャルワーカーの収入増の検討、「大阪万博」「観光事業支援」などだけ。大企業・富裕層増税は片鱗もない。「所得再分配」ではなく、産業間の「税金再分配」でしかない。

 一方、鮮明なのは安保・外交政策。「海上保安能力や更なる効果的措置を含むミサイル防衛能力など防衛力の強化」と「日米同盟を、更なる高みに引き上げる」とうたった。

 自民党の公約は、「相手領域内で弾道ミサイルを阻止する能力」の保有とストレートに言い、「対GDP比2%以上も念頭に、防衛関係費増を目指す」と明記。台湾海峡「有事」や「尖閣防衛」を口実に、一気に進める腹積もりだ。

 自民党内でも意見のある原発には言及せず逃げたが、再稼働推進は党の総意。消費税増税は参院選まで封印しただけ。

 野望を挫く選択を

 選挙区で野党共闘候補を勝たせることが第一だ。消費税減税や辺野古新基地建設中止など市民連合と4野党の合意を基に、自公・維新を叩き落そう。比例は政策で選択だ。共産党が政権への限定閣外協力方針を示したように、立憲野党には政策の違いがある。

 特に安保・外交政策は、立憲民主党の公約も自民党に正面から対決する内容ではない。

 南西諸島の軍事化、海上保安庁法の改悪などは目前の「課題」。原発も再稼働阻止は巨大地震の蓋然性から急務だ。新社会党が総選挙の政策協定を締結した社会民主党の公約は、この点で的確に岸田政権に対決している。

 民衆の運動は、あいまいな政策では結集できない。「戦争法廃案!」の声が多くの人々を決起させたことを想起しよう。

 国会議員は福島瑞穂党首だけの新生社民、この芽を支え、来年の参院選で明快な護憲勢力を求める人々の結集軸を共同で作り上げよう。

英訳版↓

No. 1230 Campaign for General Election Starts

Campaign for the general election has begun. It is to argue the Kishida government, which was recently inaugurated. What plan will the ruling bloc get involved? How will the opposition parties run against the new government?

The New Socialist Party calls voters to let candidates fielded by the joint struggles of opposition bloc win in the small constituencies and to support the Social Democratic Party in the proportional representation channel in which voters can choose a party through a policy package.

VOTE CANDIDATES WHO REPEL US-JAPAN ALLIANCE AND MILITARY ESCALATION!

New capitalism, what?

Using the name of New Capitalism, the government led by Kishida Fumio is to intensify military strength of the country (Refer to Page 4 of this weekly).

The essence of the idea is well exhibited in his policy speech of Prime Minister: to use tax money in the new industry fields and in training of human resources, to accelerate transfer of labor force, to endorse digitalization and control over people and to build up a network to contain China.

His ‘strategy of distribution’ covers only alleviating taxes for business entities that will raise wages for workers, examining to increase incomes of essential workers, hosting the International Exposition in Osaka and boosting tourism industry. He has no interest in heightening taxes of big businesses and the rich. His policy does not imply ‘redistribution of incomes’ but ‘redistribution of taxes’ across the industries.

Meanwhile the new capitalism presents a comprehensible stance in diplomacy and national security affairs; it stipulates ‘intensification of defense power, or missile defense capabilities including maritime traffic and other superiority’, and ‘further integration of the US-Japan Alliance.

The election pledges of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) clearly specify possession of capabilities to discourage launch of ballistic missiles inside the territories of counterparts and stipulate an increase of defense-related budgets in the context to exceed the 2% level of GNP. The LDP government is ready to enhance capabilities in an excuse of contingencies in the Taiwan Strait and defense of the Senkaku Islands.

The pledges elude nuclear power generation as the issue divides the LDP members, but the party, as a whole, consents to restarting the existing plants. As for a surge in the consumption tax rate, the ruling bloc conceals its intention till the scheduled 2022 election of the House of Councilors.

Topple dangerous adventures!

Voters must support candidates fielded jointly by the opposition bloc in the constituencies. The four opposition parties and the Civic Confederation have concluded an agreement; it sets forth decreasing the consumption tax rate and suspending the construction work of the new military base in Henoko, Okinawa. Let’s bring down the ruling bloc of LDP-Komeito and the Ishin. For the proportional representation channel, voters can choose a party along a policy package. The constitutional opposition parties have their own ones, respectively. For instance, the Japanese Communist Party has shown its posture of limited cooperation with the government staying outside the cabinet.

Concerning the national security and diplomacy, in particular, the Constitutional Democratic Party (CDP) does not straightly conflict with the ruling LDP.

We see today rapid militarization around the Southwestern Islands region and the government’s plan to revise for worse the Maritime Safety Agency Act. This is critical.

Facing warnings on possible big earthquakes on the islands, our task is to stop the re-start plan of nuclear power stations.

The New Socialist Party has concluded an agreement with the Social Democratic Party (SDP) in cooperating in the general election. The pact rightly confronts the line of Kishida government in terms of these issues.

Ambiguous policies cannot make people get active in the mass movements. Let’s remember the banner, No! to War Legislation, when a massive number of citizens rose up in 2015 .

The SDP has only one parliamentary member – its President, Fukushima Mizuho. Let’s bring up this capacity so that we can keep fighting in the joint struggles in the 2022 election for the House of Councilors. Let’s organize people along the lucid path to defend Article Nine of the Constitution.



October 20, 2021