道しるべ

予算審議がこれでは
全く弱かった大軍拡の追及

2023/04/19
  新年度予算は3月28日に成立した。114兆3812億円のうち、防衛費が1兆4千億円増の6兆8千億円という大軍拡予算である。与党の思惑通りの日程で、論戦内容も極めて不十分に終わった。

  野党が政府・与党と正面から対決するには、予算を「人質」にとって徹底的に追求するのが常道だが、安保政策大転換の第一歩である23年度予算にもかかわらず、与党が描いた日程通りに進んだ。

  戦争が前提の議論 

  その一因は、「安保3文書」反対の立場が不鮮明な立憲民主党の姿勢にある。 

  参院予算委で同党のリベラル派がそれなりの追及をしたが、他は「反撃能力行使」の判断例と「防衛予算」増の根拠の追及が中心だった。

  ともに「手の内を明かせない」という首相のはぐらかし答弁に跳ね返された。これでは戦争前提の議論である。軍事的な中国包囲網の形成による戦争の危険をなくす努力をせよと追及できないもどかしさに、市民はいらだっている。

  南西諸島に「シェルター建設」を求める立憲民主党の幹部もいて、病人の枕元で棺桶を用意するような無神経さは顰蹙(ひんしゅく)を買った。自民党以上に積極軍拡の維新との「共闘」重視は、反省すべきだ。

  後半国会の「財源確保法案」では、立民・維新・国民が増税反対で一致というが、財源が何であろうが防衛費増反対を鮮明にしてほしい。

  共産党と社民党は「安保3文書」自体に反対し、南西諸島の軍事基地化を問題にして迫ったが、なお少数だ。大衆運動で支えよう。

  予備費で選挙対策

  安保問題と合わせ内閣の独裁が際立ったのは「予備費」だ。閣議決定で使途を決められる「予備費」は、災害など想定外の突発事態対策に限らねばならない。

  だから19年度までの計上額は年5千億円程度だったが、20年度からコロナ対策名目で2兆1693億円となり、22年度は2兆2千億円に跳ね上がった。

  ここから電気料金高騰対策や、低所得子育て世帯の子ども1人当たり5万円、住民税非課税世帯に3万円支給などもまかなわれる。

  そして、23年度予算には物価対策など4兆円余も計上された。貧困対策や福祉拡充を日ごろはおろそかにし、選挙目当てのばら撒きは許されない。これがまかり通るならば、軍事費にも利用されてしまう。

  後半国会、補選の結果次第で政府・与党はさらに攻勢にでるだろう。立憲野党は、結束して立ち向かってほしい。

英訳版↓

No. 1303 Sluggish Parliamentary Debates


The fiscal 2023 budget was approved March 28. The total reaches 114.3812 trillion yen, out of which national defense budgets occupy 6.8 trillion yen, an increase by 1.4 trillion yen from the previous one. The fund shows a big surge in the military spending. Parliamentary debates have proceeded as smoothly as the ruling parties agreed and planned. The deliberations remained extremely dull until the end.

BIG MILITARY SPENDING WAS NOT DEBATED SERIOUSLY

Usually, when an opposition camp wants to stage a full attack on the government and the ruling parties, it takes advantage of a budget plan as a ‘hostage’ so as to inquire into the authorities. The 2023 fiscal draft was, however, approved efficiently as the administration wished in its timeline, though the year represents the critical, first year after the government made a great change in the national security policy.

Debates went on, with assumption of a war

One of the reasons of the flowing debate process lies in the attitudes of the Constitutional Democratic Party (CDP), the biggest opposition party, which does not have a clear objecting stance on the controversial three documents on national security released last December.

Some of the CDP lawmakers, who belong to the liberal faction, raised harsh questions in the budget committee of the House of Councilors, but others focused on how to ‘execute counter-attack capabilities’ and contended on the increase of ‘defense budget’.

The CDP’s tactics were well withstood by good deception of Prime Minister Kishida Fumio who would never reveal his strategy. Thus, the parliamentary debates went on the assumption of a war. People are anxious about inability of the Diet to halt the military-first policy to contain China and to work to evade an armed conflict.

Some leading CDP lawmakers maintained to construct shelters on the southwestern islands, which evoked derision, as it is insensitive to suggest putting a coffin beside an ailing person.

The CDP emphasizes to ally with the Ishin, a political party stressing military build-up more proactively than the ruling Liberal Democratic Party. The stance should be revoked.

Concerning ‘the bill to secure financial resources’, which will be dealt with during the coming Diet session. Reportedly, the CDP, the Ishin and the Kokumin (Party for the People) will unitedly object increasing taxes. But people want them to criticize definitely the military budget, disregarding where money comes from.

The Communist Party and the Social-Democratic Party denounce the national security documents, accusing militarization of the southwestern islands, but they represent a minor camp. Let’s support them with mass movements.

Discretionary reserves, for what?

The Cabinet takes a rigid attitude in managing the discretionary reserves in the same way as in the security issue. The budget is compiled to tackle emergencies, like natural disasters. Its usage should be exclusively limited, though the Cabinet is authorized to decide how to spend it.

Until the year 2019, the fund used to account approximately 500 billion yen, but it surged in 2020 to 2 trillion and 169.3 billion yen so as to cope with the pandemic. It rose to 2.2 trillion yen in 2022.

The money is spent on subsidies for higher electricity cost, benefits of 50 thousand yen per child of low-income families and allowances of 30 thousand yen for families exempted from paying local taxes.

As for the fiscal 2023, in total as high as 4 trillion yen is allocated to commit in high cost of living. The government is generous in the election period, though usually it is not keen to help the poor and to provide welfare services. Lavish spending for an election purpose is unacceptable. The same must not be true for military spending.

The government and ruling parties will be more offensive, depending on the results of by-elections during the latter part of Diet session. Constitutional opposition parties should be resilient in unison.



April 19, 2023